US approves $24.3 billion F-35 sale to Saudi Arabia as Congress debate looms
The Trump administration has approved a potential $24.3 billion arms package including F-35 fighter jets for Saudi Arabia, opening the prospect of a major upgrade to Riyadh's air capabilities while raising questions about sensitive technology protection, Israeli security, and the limits of Saudi strategic independence.
The Trump administration has approved a potential sale of F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia as part of a $24.3 billion package that also includes engines, equipment, and spare parts. For Riyadh, the decision opens the prospect of a substantial improvement in its air capabilities, while allowing Washington to demonstrate its willingness to deepen relations with one of its most important Middle Eastern partners.
Yet political disagreements and negotiations over the terms still stand between State Department approval and the arrival of the aircraft at Saudi air bases. The significance of the decision extends well beyond an arms contract, as Saudi Arabia increasingly seeks to broaden its relationships with competing centers of power. Viewed in this context, the initiative can be understood as an attempt to preserve America's position as the kingdom's principal strategic partner and prevent further drift away from Washington.
The challenge, however, is that commercial interests, the protection of sensitive technology, and commitments to Israel do not always point towards the same policy. Saudi Arabia values its partnership with the United States, but wants to determine for itself how far that partnership should shape its wider policies. Relations with China, cooperation with Russia, and the development of regional ties allow the kingdom to reduce its dependence on any single external partner.
This does not mean Riyadh is ready to abandon US-led security arrangements, but it does make Saudi leaders less receptive to demands that Washington might once have regarded as a natural part of an alliance. For the United States, the risk lies in the gradual erosion of its privileged position. Even if the kingdom continues to purchase American weapons, it may increasingly turn elsewhere for political support and economic opportunities. As those relationships deepen, Riyadh gets more options, while Washington has fewer opportunities to secure concessions by threatening to restrict cooperation.
An offer of F-35s could make the American partnership more attractive at a time when its advantages can no longer be taken for granted. By opening access to an aircraft Saudi leaders have long sought, Trump is signaling a willingness to accommodate the kingdom's ambitions. For Riyadh, the symbolic importance is considerable, since acquiring such aircraft would affirm its standing among America's security partners.
Washington's practical gains, however, would come from the longevity of the relationship. Advanced combat aircraft require continuing support contracts, keeping Riyadh connected throughout their service life. Once Saudi Arabia has invested heavily in the aircraft, infrastructure, and personnel, moving away from that system becomes more difficult and expensive. A defense contract can therefore reinforce ties that outlast changes of administration and individual diplomatic disputes.
Dependence on aircraft support does not, however, automatically translate into a willingness to coordinate oil policy or relations with third countries. Riyadh may see no contradiction in working with Moscow on energy and expanding economic ties with Beijing. This creates a potential mismatch of expectations, as Washington may view the sale as a means of securing closer strategic alignment, while Saudi Arabia sees an opportunity to simply strengthen its defense.
Washington's willingness to proceed could convince Saudi leaders that their existing approach is working. If closer relations with America's competitors are followed by more attractive American offers, Riyadh has an incentive to continue pursuing them. Trump must then decide how much independence he is willing to accept from a partner in order to retain influence over it, and at what point accommodation becomes more than his administration is prepared to concede.
Trump's first term demonstrated that arms sales to Saudi Arabia can become the subject of serious domestic political confrontation. In 2019, Congress passed resolutions opposing several arms transfers to the kingdom and the United Arab Emirates, but the president vetoed them and the Senate failed to override him. That episode does not establish that lawmakers will stop the present sale, but neither does it justify assuming that the president's decision will be implemented without resistance.
The process does not require an affirmative vote of approval from Congress, as the administration can proceed after the statutory review period unless a legislative prohibition takes effect. Opponents need to turn political objections into enforceable restrictions and, if the president exercises his veto, assemble enough support to overcome it. A demanding threshold, if the White House retains the backing of most Republicans.
With the F-35, the central objection concerns the protection of sensitive American technology. Saudi Arabia's relations with China raise questions about how reliably third parties can be denied access to the aircraft, associated equipment, and information. Such concerns could resonate with lawmakers who broadly support Trump but place the preservation of America's technological advantage above the benefits of a particular contract. Critics in Washington may also invoke Riyadh's cooperation with Russia through OPEC+ and its refusal to join sanctions against Moscow as evidence of the kingdom's limited willingness to align fully with US priorities.
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